詞匯
- intern/'ɪntɝn/ n. 實習生，實習醫師
- junior /'dʒunɪɚ/ adj. 年少的；后進的；下級的
- hard-headed/,ha:d'hedid/ adj. 頭腦冷靜的
- calculating/'kælkjuletɪŋ/ adj. 計算的；深謀遠慮的；審慎的 v. 計算
- Messier 是messy的變形 /'mesi/adj.不整潔的；混亂的；雜亂的；紊亂的
- plague/pleɡ/ v.使困擾 be plagued by 受......困擾
- complicated/'kɑmplɪketɪd/ adj. 難懂的，復雜的
- Simplify/ˈsɪmplɪˌfaɪ/ v.簡化,精簡,極簡主義
- purposeful /'pɝpəsfl/ adj. 有目的的；有決心的
- rational /'ræʃnəl/ adj. 合理的；理性的
- laid the groundwork for為......奠定基礎
- expounded/ɪk'spaʊnd/ vt. 解釋；詳細說明
- seminal /'sɛmɪnl/ adj.有創造力的，對未來有影響的；重大的
- profitability/prɑfɪtə'bɪləti/ n. 盈利能力；收益性；利益率
- short-sighted/'ʃɔ:t'saitid/ adj. 目光短淺的；近視的
- collateral/kə'lætərəl/ adj. 並行的；旁系的；附屬的n. 抵押品；
- variable/'vɛrɪəbl/adj. 變量的；可變的；易變的
- schooling/'skulɪŋ/ n. 學校教育；學費
- shed light on闡明；使…清楚地顯出
- paternalistic/pə,tə:nə'listik/ adj. 家長式作風的
- well-fed/'wel'fed/ adj. 營養充足的；肥胖的
- reaped/riːp/ vt. 收獲，獲得；收割
- shrinkage/'ʃrɪŋkɪdʒ/ n. 收縮；減低
- bristle/'brɪsl/ vi. 發怒；豎起
- Unsightly [ʌnˈsaɪtli] adj.不美觀的，難看的;不好看的
- Fuzzy [ˈfʌzi] adj.模糊的;絨毛般的，毛茸茸的;
- sophisticated [səˈfɪstɪˌketɪd] adj.復雜的;精致的;富有經驗的;
- empirical [ɛmˈpɪrɪkəl] adj.經驗主義的;憑經驗的;
- acquisition [ˌækwɪˈzɪʃən] n. 收購;獲得;購置物;獲得物
詞組
1.human capital 人力資源
2.a lack of 缺少；缺乏
3.in turn 輪流；依次
4.take on 承擔
1.in the first place 一開始
2.income growth 收入增加
3.household work 家務活
4.In any case 一般來說
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But this was just the beginning of his analysis.
Becker observed that people do acquire general human capital, but they often do so at their own expense, rather than that of employers.
This is true of university, when students take on debts to pay for education before entering the workforce.
It is also true of workers in almost all industries: interns, trainees and junior employees share in the cost of getting them up to speed by being paid less.
Becker made the assumption that people would be hard-headed in calculating how much to invest in their own human capital.
They would compare expected future earnings from different career choices and consider the cost of acquiring the education to pursue these careers, including time spent in the classroom.
He knew that reality was far messier, with decisions plagued by uncertainty and complicated motivations, but he described his model as an “economic way of looking at life”.
His simplified assumptions about people being purposeful and rational in their decisions laid the groundwork for an elegant theory of human capital, which he expounded in several seminal articles and a book in the early 1960s.
His theory helped explain why younger generations spent more time in schooling than older ones: longer life expectancies raised the profitability of acquiring knowledge.
It also helped explain the spread of education: advances in technology made it more profitable to have skills, which in turn raised the demand for education.
It showed that under-investment in human capital was a constant risk: young people can be short-sighted given the long payback period for education; and lenders are wary of supporting them because of their lack of collateral (attributes such as knowledge always stay with the borrower, whereas a borrower's physical assets can be seized).
It suggested that there was no fixed number of good jobs but that highly paid work would increase as economies produced more skilled graduates who generated more innovation.
Human capital could also be applied to topics beyond returns to individuals from education.
The idea was a powerful variable in explaining why some countries fared far better than others: to promote income growth over many years, heavy investment in schooling was necessary.
It shed light on why firms in poor countries tended to be more paternalistic, providing dormitories and canteens: they reaped immediate productivity gains from rested, well-fed workers.
It informed big increases in the numbers of women studying law, finance and science since the 1950s: the automation of much household work meant that women could invest more in building their careers.
And it helped explain the shrinkage of families in wealthy countries: if increasing value is placed on human capital, parents must invest more in each child, making large families costly.
But any theory that attempts to explain so much is bound to encounter pushback.
Many critics bristled at Becker's market-driven logic, which seemed to reduce people to cold, calculating machines.
Although “human capital” is an unsightly term—in 2004 a panel of German linguists deemed Humankapital the most offensive word of the year—it is the task of social science to identify and refine concepts that would otherwise be fuzzy.
It took Becker's framework to make the importance of education explicit, and to put people at the heart of economics.
Within the discipline, some objected that Becker had overstated the importance of learning.
Education matters not because it imparts knowledge, critics said, but because of what it signals about the people who complete university, namely that they are disciplined and more likely to be productive workers.
In any case, people of greater abilities are the ones who are most likely to get higher degrees in the first place.
Yet increasingly sophisticated empirical analyses has revealed that the acquisition of knowledge is in fact a big part of what it means to be a student.
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But this was just the beginning of his analysis.
但是，這僅僅是他的分析的起點。
Becker observed that people do acquire general human capital, but they often do so at their own expense, rather than that of employers.
貝克爾注意到，人們是要獲取一般性人力資本，但是，他們經常是自費獲取，而不是用雇主的錢。
This is true of university, when students take on debts to pay for education before entering the workforce.
這對於大學來說如此，對於幾乎所有行業的工人來說亦是如此。
It is also true of workers in almost all industries: interns, trainees and junior employees share in the cost of getting them up to speed by being paid less.
前者出現在學生為支付學費而在進入勞動大軍之前而背負債務時，后者體現在實習生、受訓者和初級員工通過少拿工資來分擔讓自己迅速進入角色的費用這個方面。
Becker made the assumption that people would be hard-headed in calculating how much to invest in their own human capital.
貝克爾提出了人們在為自己的人力資本投多少錢而算計時會精打細算的假設。
They would compare expected future earnings from different career choices and consider the cost of acquiring the education to pursue these careers, including time spent in the classroom.
他們會比較不同職業選擇的未來收入，並且還會考慮為追求這些職業而獲取教育的成本，如用在教室中的時間。
He knew that reality was far messier, with decisions plagued by uncertainty and complicated motivations, but he described his model as an “economic way of looking at life”.
他深知，雖說現實紛繁復雜，各種決定為不確定性和種種復雜的動機所困擾。但是，他還是把自己的模型描述為一種“看待生活的經濟學方式”。
His simplified assumptions about people being purposeful and rational in their decisions laid the groundwork for an elegant theory of human capital, which he expounded in several seminal articles and a book in the early 1960s.
他的這些有關人們在做決定時是有目的的、理性的的簡化假設為他在上世紀60年代的多篇開創性論文和一本書中對其做出了論述的精妙的人力資本理論奠定了基礎。
His theory helped explain why younger generations spent more time in schooling than older ones: longer life expectancies raised the profitability of acquiring knowledge.
他的理論為解釋為什么年輕一代比前輩把更多的時間用在學習上提供幫助：不斷延長的預期壽命提升了獲取知識的盈利性。
It also helped explain the spread of education: advances in technology made it more profitable to have skills, which in turn raised the demand for education.
它還為解釋教育的普及提供了幫助：技術進步使得擁有技能更為有利可圖，這反過來又提高了對於教育的需求。
It showed that under-investment in human capital was a constant risk: young people can be short-sighted given the long payback period for education; and lenders are wary of supporting them because of their lack of collateral (attributes such as knowledge always stay with the borrower, whereas a borrower's physical assets can be seized).
他的理論表明，人力資本方面的投資不足是一種恆久不變的風險：鑒於教育的長久回報期，年輕人可能是目光短淺的；同時，放債方會由於他們缺乏抵押品而對支持他們持謹慎的態度（像知識這種資本的屬性總是與舉債方在一起，而舉債方的有形資產是可以被查封的）。
It suggested that there was no fixeHuman capital could also be applied to topics beyond returns to individuals from education.
人力資本還可以被應用於個人教育回報之外的多種話題。
The idea was a powerful variable in explaining why some countries fared far better than others: to promote income growth over many years, heavy investment in schooling was necessary.
這一思想在解釋為什么有些國家比其他國家過得好很多時是一個強有力的變量：為促進長年的收入增長，學校教育方面的大筆投入是必需的。
It shed light on why firms in poor countries tended to be more paternalistic, providing dormitories and canteens: they reaped immediate productivity gains from rested, well-fed workers.
它論述了為什么窮國的公司往往更具有家長式作風，提供了宿舍和食堂：它們從吃好睡好的工人那里收獲了直接的生產力提高。
It informed big increases in the numbers of women studying law, finance and science since the 1950s: the automation of much household work meant that women could invest more in building their careers.
它通告了學習法律金融和科學的女性數量在上世紀50年代之后的巨大增長：大部分家務活的自動化意味着女性可以在構建職業生涯方面投入更多。
And it helped explain the shrinkage of families in wealthy countries: if increasing value is placed on human capital, parents must invest more in each child, making large families costly.
同時，它還為解釋家庭在富裕國家中的收縮提供了幫助：如果增加值是被放在人力資本之上，父母就必須要為每一個孩子投入更多的錢，這使得大家庭變得成本高昂。
But any theory that attempts to explain so much is bound to encounter pushback.
但是，任何試圖解釋如此多事情的理論注定都會遇到阻力。
Many critics bristled at Becker's market-driven logic, which seemed to reduce people to cold, calculating machines.
許多批評者對貝克爾的這種似乎是把人貶低到等同於冰冷的、會算計的機器的市場驅動邏輯感到不滿。
Although “human capital” is an unsightly term—in 2004 a panel of German linguists deemed Humankapital the most offensive word of the year—it is the task of social science to identify and refine concepts that would otherwise be fuzzy.
盡管“人力資本”是一個不雅觀的詞語——一些德國語言學者曾在2004年把Humankapital選為年度最具冒犯性詞語——但是，認可並完善這些不然就會含義模糊的概念是社會科學的任務。
It took Becker's framework to make the importance of education explicit, and to put people at the heart of economics.
它采用了貝克爾的框架是為了明確教育的重要性，也是為了把人置於經濟學的中心。
Within the discipline, some objected that Becker had overstated the importance of learning.
在學科內部，有些人反對說，貝克爾誇大了學習的重要性。
Education matters not because it imparts knowledge, critics said, but because of what it signals about the people who complete university, namely that they are disciplined and more likely to be productive workers.
批評者聲稱，教育之所以重要，不是因為它傳授知識，而是因為它發出的關於完成了大學學業之人的信號，即，他們受過訓練，並且更可能成為高效的工人。
In any case, people of greater abilities are the ones who are most likely to get higher degrees in the first place.
一般說來，具有更大能力的是一開始就最有可能拿到更高學位的人。
Yet increasingly sophisticated empirical analyses has revealed that the acquisition of knowledge is in fact a big part of what it means to be a student.
然而，日益成熟的實證分析表明，知識的獲取實際上是作為一名學生所意味的大部分。
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原文：But this was just the beginning of his analysis.
官方譯文：但是，這僅僅是他的分析的起點。
修訂后的譯文：但這只是他分析的起點。
原文：Becker observed that people do acquire general human capital, but they often do so at their own expense, rather than that of employers.
官方譯文：貝克爾注意到，人們是要獲取一般性人力資本，但是，他們經常是自費獲取，而不是用雇主的錢。
修訂后的譯文：貝克爾觀察到，人們確實有去獲取通用性人力資本，但他們通常是自費獲取，而不是用雇主的錢。
解析：
1. 貝克爾：人力資本(HCM – Human Capital Management)理論最早起源於經濟學研究。20世紀60年代，美國經濟學家舒爾茨和貝克爾創立人力資本理論，開辟了關於人類生產能力的嶄新思路。該理論認為物質資本指物質產品上的資本，包括廠房、機器、設備、原材料、土地、貨幣和其他有價證券等；而人力資本則是體現在人身上的資本，即對生產者進行教育、職業培訓等支出及其在接受教育時的機會成本等的總和，表現為蘊含於人身上的各種生產知識、勞動與管理技能以及健康素質的存量總和。
2. He observed that leukaemia in children was more common if the fathers had been heavily irradiated. 他注意到，如果父親遭受過大量輻射，孩子患白血病的情況就更多見。《柯林斯詞典》
3. human capital: 人力資本.人力資本（human Capital），亦稱“非物質資本”。與“物質資本”相對。西方經濟學概念。體現在勞動者身上的資本。如勞動者的知識技能、文化技術水平與健康狀況等。
4. general human capital：通用性人力資本。貝克爾依據企業員工的知識技能的不同將人力資本分為通用性人力資本和專用性人力資本。
5. That：指at the expense
原文：This is true of university, when students take on debts to pay for education before entering the workforce. It is also true of workers in almost all industries: interns, trainees and junior employees share in the cost of getting them up to speed by being paid less.
官方譯文：這對於大學來說如此，對於幾乎所有行業的工人來說亦是如此。前者出現在學生為支付學費而在進入勞動大軍之前而背負債務時，后者體現在實習生、受訓者和初級員工通過少拿工資來分擔讓自己迅速進入角色的費用這個方面。
修訂后的譯文：這對大學生來說是如此，對幾乎所有行業的員工來說亦是如此。大學生在參加工作前往往舉債上大學；實習生、受訓者和初級員工通過少拿工資來分擔讓自己迅速進入角色的成本。
解析：
share in：分擔
up to speed：公司里面掌握情況，那就是迅速進入角色，適應工作
以合適的速度或標准生產某物或執行某事;[非正式用語] 悉知的，熟悉的：2
Those in charge deluded themselves they were up to speed.
那些負責人自以為掌握了最新情況。《柯林斯高階英漢雙解學習詞典》
He will need to get rapidly up to speed on three issues.
他將需要迅速把握三個問題。www.ftchinese.com
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But this was just the beginning of his analysis.
但是，這僅僅是他的分析的起點。
Becker observed that people do acquire general human capital, but they often do so at their own expense, rather than that of employers.
貝克爾注意到，人們是要獲取一般性人力資本，但是，他們經常是自費獲取，而不是用雇主的錢。
This is true of university, when students take on debts to pay for education before entering the workforce.
這對於大學來說如此，對於幾乎所有行業的工人來說亦是如此。
It is also true of workers in almost all industries: interns, trainees and junior employees share in the cost of getting them up to speed by being paid less.
前者出現在學生為支付學費而在進入勞動大軍之前而背負債務時，后者體現在實習生、受訓者和初級員工通過少拿工資來分擔讓自己迅速進入角色的費用這個方面。
intern/'ɪntɝn/ n. 實習生，實習醫師
junior /'dʒunɪɚ/ adj. 年少的；后進的；下級的
human capital 人力資源
Becker made the assumption that people would be hard-headed in calculating how much to invest in their own human capital.
貝克爾提出了人們在為自己的人力資本投多少錢而算計時會精打細算的假設。
They would compare expected future earnings from different career choices and consider the cost of acquiring the education to pursue these careers, including time spent in the classroom.
他們會比較不同職業選擇的未來收入，並且還會考慮為追求這些職業而獲取教育的成本，如用在教室中的時間。
He knew that reality was far messier, with decisions plagued by uncertainty and complicated motivations, but he described his model as an “economic way of looking at life”.
他深知，雖說現實紛繁復雜，各種決定為不確定性和種種復雜的動機所困擾。但是，他還是把自己的模型描述為一種“看待生活的經濟學方式”。
hard-headed/,ha:d'hedid/ adj. 頭腦冷靜的
calculating/'kælkjuletɪŋ/ adj. 計算的；深謀遠慮的；審慎的 v. 計算
Messier 是messy的變形 /'mesi/adj.不整潔的；混亂的；雜亂的；紊亂的
plague/pleɡ/ v.使困擾 be plagued by 受......困擾
complicated/'kɑmplɪketɪd/ adj. 難懂的，復雜的
His simplified assumptions about people being purposeful and rational in their decisions laid the groundwork for an elegant theory of human capital, which he expounded in several seminal articles and a book in the early 1960s.
他的這些有關人們在做決定時是有目的的、理性的的簡化假設為他在上世紀60年代的多篇開創性論文和一本書中對其做出了論述的精妙的人力資本理論奠定了基礎。
His theory helped explain why younger generations spent more time in schooling than older ones: longer life expectancies raised the profitability of acquiring knowledge.
他的理論為解釋為什么年輕一代比前輩把更多的時間用在學習上提供幫助：不斷延長的預期壽命提升了獲取知識的盈利性。
It also helped explain the spread of education: advances in technology made it more profitable to have skills, which in turn raised the demand for education.
它還為解釋教育的普及提供了幫助：技術進步使得擁有技能更為有利可圖，這反過來又提高了對於教育的需求。
Simplify/ˈsɪmplɪˌfaɪ/ v.簡化,精簡,極簡主義
purposeful /'pɝpəsfl/ adj. 有目的的；有決心的
rational /'ræʃnəl/ adj. 合理的；理性的
laid the groundwork for為......奠定基礎
expounded/ɪk'spaʊnd/ vt. 解釋；詳細說明
seminal /'sɛmɪnl/ adj.有創造力的，對未來有影響的；重大的
profitability/prɑfɪtə'bɪləti/ n. 盈利能力；收益性；利益率
It showed that under-investment in human capital was a constant risk: young people can be short-sighted given the long payback period for education; and lenders are wary of supporting them because of their lack of collateral (attributes such as knowledge always stay with the borrower, whereas a borrower's physical assets can be seized).
他的理論表明，人力資本方面的投資不足是一種恆久不變的風險：鑒於教育的長久回報期，年輕人可能是目光短淺的；同時，放債方會由於他們缺乏抵押品而對支持他們持謹慎的態度（像知識這種資本的屬性總是與舉債方在一起，而舉債方的有形資產是可以被查封的）。
It suggested that there was no fixed number of good jobs but that highly paid work would increase as economies produced more skilled graduates who generated more innovation.
他的理論表明，沒有固定數量的好工作，但是，高工資工作會隨着經濟體生產出更多的帶來了更多創新的高技能畢業生而增加。
Human capital could also be applied to topics beyond returns to individuals from education.
人力資本還可以被應用於個人教育回報之外的多種話題。
The idea was a powerful variable in explaining why some countries fared far better than others: to promote income growth over many years, heavy investment in schooling was necessary.
這一思想在解釋為什么有些國家比其他國家過得好很多時是一個強有力的變量：為促進長年的收入增長，學校教育方面的大筆投入是必需的。
short-sighted/'ʃɔ:t'saitid/ adj. 目光短淺的；近視的
collateral/kə'lætərəl/ adj. 並行的；旁系的；附屬的n. 抵押品；
variable/'vɛrɪəbl/adj. 變量的；可變的；易變的
schooling/'skulɪŋ/ n. 學校教育；學費
It shed light on why firms in poor countries tended to be more paternalistic, providing dormitories and canteens: they reaped immediate productivity gains from rested, well-fed workers.
它論述了為什么窮國的公司往往更具有家長式作風，提供了宿舍和食堂：它們從吃好睡好的工人那里收獲了直接的生產力提高。
It informed big increases in the numbers of women studying law, finance and science since the 1950s: the automation of much household work meant that women could invest more in building their careers.
它通告了學習法律金融和科學的女性數量在上世紀50年代之后的巨大增長：大部分家務活的自動化意味着女性可以在構建職業生涯方面投入更多。
And it helped explain the shrinkage of families in wealthy countries: if increasing value is placed on human capital, parents must invest more in each child, making large families costly.
同時，它還為解釋家庭在富裕國家中的收縮提供了幫助：如果增加值是被放在人力資本之上，父母就必須要為每一個孩子投入更多的錢，這使得大家庭變得成本高昂。
But any theory that attempts to explain so much is bound to encounter push back.
但是，任何試圖解釋如此多事情的理論注定都會遇到阻力。
Many critics bristled at Becker's market-driven logic, which seemed to reduce people to cold, calculating machines.
許多批評者對貝克爾的這種似乎是把人貶低到等同於冰冷的、會算計的機器的市場驅動邏輯感到不滿。
shed light on闡明；使…清楚地顯出
paternalistic/pə,tə:nə'listik/ adj. 家長式作風的
well-fed/'wel'fed/ adj. 營養充足的；肥胖的
reaped/riːp/ vt. 收獲，獲得；收割
shrinkage/'ʃrɪŋkɪdʒ/ n. 收縮；減低
household work 家務活
bristle/'brɪsl/ vi. 發怒；豎起
Although “human capital” is an unsightly term—in 2004 a panel of German linguists deemed Human kapital the most offensive word of the year—it is the task of social science to identify and refine concepts that would otherwise be fuzzy.
盡管“人力資本”是一個不雅觀的詞語——一些德國語言學者曾在2004年把Humankapital選為年度最具冒犯性詞語——但是，認可並完善這些不然就會含義模糊的概念是社會科學的任務。
It took Becker's framework to make the importance of education explicit, and to put people at the heart of economics.
它采用了貝克爾的框架是為了明確教育的重要性，也是為了把人置於經濟學的中心。
Within the discipline, some objected that Becker had overstated the importance of learning.
在學科內部，有些人反對說，貝克爾誇大了學習的重要性。
Education matters not because it imparts knowledge, critics said, but because of what it signals about the people who complete university, namely that they are disciplined and more likely to be productive workers.
批評者聲稱，教育之所以重要，不是因為它傳授知識，而是因為它發出的關於完成了大學學業之人的信號，即，他們受過訓練，並且更可能成為高效的工人。
In any case, people of greater abilities are the ones who are most likely to get higher degrees in the first place.
一般說來，具有更大能力的是一開始就最有可能拿到更高學位的人。
Yet increasingly sophisticated empirical analyses has revealed that the acquisition of knowledge is in fact a big part of what it means to be a student.
然而，日益成熟的實證分析表明，知識的獲取實際上是作為一名學生所意味的大部分。
Unsightly [ʌnˈsaɪtli] adj.不美觀的，難看的;不好看的
Fuzzy [ˈfʌzi] adj.模糊的;絨毛般的，毛茸茸的;
sophisticated [səˈfɪstɪˌketɪd] adj.復雜的;精致的;富有經驗的;
empirical [ɛmˈpɪrɪkəl] adj.經驗主義的;憑經驗的;
acquisition [ˌækwɪˈzɪʃən] n. 收購;獲得;購置物;獲得物